Topics and Clitic Left Dislocation in Malagasy

Jill Heather Flegg

Rutgers University

In Malagasy, there are several distinguishing features between subjects, topics, and focussed elements. Subjects (1a) are at the end of the clause while topics (1b) (with the dia particle) and focussed elements (1c) (with the no particle) are at the beginning (Keenan 1976). Subjects and topics must be definite, while focussed elements need not be. Structures with either topic or focus can have a ‘double topic', where two elements appear before the topic or focus particle. Subjects are necessarily the only subject.

Using evidence from double dia topics, I will show that although some topics are base-generated in the topic position (2) (Paul 2002, Pearson 2001), others must be moved from the subject position in the clause (3). The differences between these structures show up in whether or not it is possible to pause after the topic, whether a resumptive pronoun is allowed or not, and the placement of second position clitics such as ve, the yes-no question particle (Paul 2001b). Pauses and resumptive pronouns are only allowed after (and generally required after) base-generated topics. Base-generated topics are also transparent to second position clitic placement, while moved topics are not. Furthermore, moved topics show the standard restriction that they can only be moved from subject position. I argue that this distinction is due to base-generated topics being adjoined to a maximal projection, while moved topics are in the specifier position.

There are a third set of topics which appear to be intermediate between movement and base-generation (4). These topics are coreferent with the resumptive pronoun in the object position, showing that they cannot have been moved. They appear only with resumptive pronouns; however, pauses are not allowed to set off the topic, and  they are not transparent to second position clitics.

I propose that this third construction is akin to clitic left dislocation in Romance (Cinque 1990). It is more closely attached to the clause than base-generated topics, as it cannot be set off by a pause and is not transparent to second position clitics, like moved topics. It is unlike moved topics, as these ‘CLLD topics’ are coindexed with objects, while A’-movement from objects is not allowed in Malagasy. However, as with base-generated topics, resumptive pronouns are allowed (and sometimes obligatory). I conclude that they are base-generated, but in a specifier position, not adjoined to a maximal projection.

I conclude that topics in Malagasy can be formed in two different ways, through movement and through base-generation, and that there are two different landing sites, the specifier position and an adjunction position. Using these distinct two-way splits, the three types of Malagasy topics can be accounted for.

(1)        a.            Manasa             ny                    lamba             Rasoa.

                        at.wash          det             clothes Rasoa

                        ‘Rasoa washes the clothes.’

            b.            Rasoa dia        manasa             ny                    lamba.

                        Rasoa top             at.wash          det            clothes

                        ‘Rasoa, she washes the clothes.’

            c.            Rasoa no        manasa             ny                    lamba.

                        Rasoa foc at.wash            det            clothes

                        ‘It is Rasoa who washes the clothes.’

(2)        a.            Rasoa omaly               dia                   nanasa                                     ny                    lamba             izy.

                        Rasoa yesterday            top                  pst.at.wash    det            clothes            3.nom

                        ‘Rasoa, yesterday, she washed the clothes.’

            b.                        Rasoa (*ve)    omaly                           (ve)             dia                   nanasa                                     ny                    lamba            izy?

                        Rasoa q                                  yesterday         q                      top                  pst.at.wash det            clothes            3.nom

            c.            Rasoa,            omaly                           dia                   nanasa                                     ny                    lamba             izy.

                        Rasoa             yesterday         top                  pst.at.wash det             clothes 3.nom

            d.            Rasoa omaly               dia, nanasa                                      ny                    lamba             izy.      

                        Rasoa yesterday top pst.at.wash                det             clothes 3.nom

(3)        a.            Omaly                         Rasoa dia        nanasa                                     ny                    lamba             (*izy).

                        yesterday         Rasoa top            pst.at.wash    det            clothes            3.nom

                        ‘Yesterday, Rasoa, she washed the clothes.’

            b.            Omaly                         Rasoa ve dia               nanasa                                     ny lamba?

                        yesterday         Rasoa q          top                  pst.at.wash    det            clothes

            c.         *Omaly                         Rasoa, dia nanasa                                            ny                    lamba.

                        yesterday         Rasoa top            pst.at.wash    det            clothes

            d.         *Omaly                         Rasoa dia, nanasa                                           ny                    lamba.

                        yesterday         Rasoa top            pst.at.wash    det            clothes

(4)        a.            Omaly                         ny                    lamba            dia                   nanasa                                     *(azy)             Rasoa.

                        yesterday         det            clothes            top                  pst.at.wash                3acc               Rasoa

                        ‘The clothes, yesterday, Rasoa washed them.’

            b.            Omaly                         ny                    lamba             ve             dia                   nanasa                                     azy             Rasoa?

                        yesterday         det             clothes q                      top                  pst.at.wash 3acc            Rasoa

            c.         *Omaly                         ny                    lamba            dia,                  nanasa                                     azy             Rasoa.

                        yesterday         det            clothes            top                  pst.at.wash 3acc            Rasoa

References

Cinque, G. 1990. Types of A’-dependencies. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Keenan, E. 1976. Remarkable subjects in Malagasy. In C. Li (ed.), Subject and Topic. 249-301.     New York: Academic Press.

Paul, I. 2001a Concealed pseudo-clefts. Lingua. 111: 707-727.

Paul, I. 2001b. Ve as a second-position clitic. Oceanic Linguistics. 40: 135-142.

Paul, I. 2002. Multiple topics: evidence from Malagasy. Paper given at AFLA IX, Ithaca, NY.

Pearson, M. 2001. The clause structure of Malagasy: a minimalist approach. PhD thesis, UCLA.